Speeches of Sir Robert Peel -
1846
Sir, if any thing
could have induced me to regret that decision on the part of the House, which
terminates the existence of the government, it would have been the wish that
we should survive the day when intelligence might be received from the United
States as to the result of our last attempt to adjust the differences with
that country—differences which, unless speedily terminated, must probably
involve both countries in the necessity of an appeal to arms. The House will
probably recollect that, after we had offered to leave the dispute respecting
the territory of the Oregon to arbitration, and that offer had been rejected,
the President of the United States sent a message to the Congress, which led
to discussions with regard to the termination of the convention entered into
several years since, which provided for a temporary adjustment of our differences—at
least, for a temporary avoidance of quarrel —and enabled the two countries
jointly to occupy the territory of the Oregon. The two Houses of the American
Congress, advised the President of the United States to exercise his unquestionable
power, and to signify to this country the desire of the United States to
terminate after the lapse of a year the existing convention. They, however,
added to that advice, which might, perhaps, otherwise have been considered
of an unsatisfactory or hostile character, the declaration that they desired
the notice for the termination of the convention to be given, in order that
an amicable adjustment of the dispute between the two countries might thereby
be facilitated. It appeared to us, that the addition of that conciliatory
declaration—the expression of a hope that the termination of the convention
might the more strongly impress upon the two countries the necessity of amicable
adjustment—removed any barrier which diplomatic punctilios might have raised
to a renewal by this country of the attempt to settle our differences with
the United States. We did not hesitate, therefore, within two days after
the receipt of that intelligence—we did not hesitate, although the offer
of arbitration made by us had been rejected, to do that which, in the present
state of the protracted dispute, it became essential to do—namely, not to
propose renewed and lengthened negotiations, but to specify frankly and without
reserve, what were the terms on which we could consent to a partition of
the country of the Oregon.
Sir, the President of the United States met us in a corresponding spirit.
Whatever might have been the expressions heretofore used by him, however strongly
he might have been personally committed to the adoption of a different course,
he most wisely and patriotically determined at once to refer our proposals
to the senate —that authority of the United States, whose consent is requisite
for the conclusion of any negotiation of this kind; and the senate, acting
also in the same pacific spirit, has, I have the heartfelt satisfaction to
state, at once advised acquiescence in the terms we offered. From the importance
of the subject, ami considering that this is the last day I shall have to
address the House as a minister of the Crown, I may, perhaps, be allowed
to state what are the proposals we made to the United States for the final
settlement of the Oregon question. In order to prevent the necessity for
renewed diplomatic negotiations, wo prepared and sent out the form of a convention,
which we trusted the United States would accept. The first article of that
convention was to this effect, that—" From the point on the 49th parallel
of north latitude, where the boundary laid down in existing treaties and
conventions between Great Britain and the United States terminates, the line
of boundary between the territories of her Britannic Majesty and those of
the United States shall be continued westward along the said 49th parallel
of north latitude, to the middle of the channel which separates the continent
from Vancouver's Island, and thence southerly through the middle of the said
channel, and of Fuca's Straits to the Pacific Ocean; provided however, that
the navigation of the said channel and straits, south of the 49th parallel
of north latitude, remain free and open to both parties."
Those who remember the local conformation
of that country will understand that that which we proposed is the continuation
of the 49th parallel of latitude, till it strikes the Straits of Fuca; that
that parallel should not be continued as a boundary across Vancouver's Island,
thus depriving us of a part of Vancouver's Island, but that the middle of
the channel shall be the future boundary, thus leaving us in possession of
the whole of Vancouver's Island, with equal right to the navigation of the
Straits.
Sir, the second article of the convention
we sent for the acceptance of the United States was to this effect, that—"
From the point at which the 49th parallel of north latitude shall be found
to intersect the great northern branch of the Columbia river, the navigation
of the said branch shall be free and open to the Hudson's Bay Company, and
to all British subjects trading with the same, to the point where the said
branch meets t he main stream of the Columbia, and thence down the said main
stream to the ocean, with free access into and through the said river or rivers,
it being understood that all the usual portages along the line thus described,
shall in like manner be free and open. In navigating the said river or rivers,
British subjects, with their goods and produce, shall be treated on the same
footing' as citizens of the United States; it being, however, always understood,
that nothing- in this article shall be construed as preventing, or intended
to prevent, the government of the United States from making any regulations
respecting the navigation of the said river, or rivers, not inconsistent
with the present treaty."
Sir, I will not occupy the attention of the House with the mere details
of this convention. I have read the important articles. On this very day,
on my return from my mission to her Majesty, to offer the resignation of
her Majesty's servants, I had the satisfaction of finding an official letter
from Mr. Pakenham, intimating in the following terms the acceptance of our
proposals, and giving an assurance of the immediate termination of our differences
with the United States:—
Washington, June 13, 1846.
My Lord — In conformity with what I had the honour to state in my despatch.
No. 68, of the 7th instant, the President sent a message on Wednesday last
to the senate, submitting for the opinion of that body the draught of a convention
for the settlement of the Oregon question, which I was instructed by your
lordship's despatch, No. 19, of the 18th of May, to propose for the acceptance
of the United States.
After a few hours deliberation on each
of the three days, Wednesday, Thursday, and Friday, the senate, by a majority
of 38 votes to 12, adopted yesterday evening a resolution advising the President
to accept the terms proposed by her Majesty's government. The President did
not hesitate to act on this advice, and Mr. Buchanan accordingly sent for
me this morning, and informed me that the conditions offered by her Majesty's
government were accepted by the government of the United States, without the
addition or alteration of a single word.—I have the honour to be, &c.
R. Pakenham. " The Right
Hon. the Earl of Aberdeen, K. T., & c.
Thus, Sir, the governments of two great nations, impelled, I believe, by
the public opinion of each country in favour of peace—by that opinion which
ought to guide and influence statesmen—have, by moderation, by mutual compromise,
averted the dreadful calamity of a war between two nations of kindred origin
and common language, the breaking out of which might have involved the civilized
world in general conflict. A single year, perhaps a single month of such a
war, would have been more costly than the value of the whole territory that
was the object of dispute. But this evil has been averted consistently with
perfect honour on the part of the American government, and on the part of
those who have at length closed, I trust, every cause of dissention between
the two countries. Sir, I may add, to the credit of the government of this
country, that, so far from being influenced in our views in regard to the
policy of terminating these disputes about the Oregon by the breaking out
of the war between the United States and with Mexico, we distinctly intimated
to Mr. Pakenham, that although that event had occurred, it did not affect,
in the slightest degree, our desire for peace. Mr. Pakenham, knowing the real
wishes and views of this government, having a discretionary power in certain
cases to withhold the proposals we had instructed him to make, wisely thought
the occurrence of Mexican hostilities with the United States, was not one
of the cases which would justify the exercise of that discretionary power,
and therefore most wisely did he tender this offer of peace to the United
States on the impulse of his own conviction, and in full confidence in the
pacific policy of his own government. Let me add, also, and I am sure this
House will think it to the credit of my noble friend, that on the occurrence
of these hostilities between Mexico and the United State-, before we were
aware of the reception which the offer on our part in respect to the Oregon
would meet with, the first packet that sailed tendered to the United States
the offer of our good offices, for the purpose of mediation between them and
the Mexican government. Sir, I do cordially rejoice, that, in surrendering
power at the feet of a majority of this House, I have the opportunity of giving
them the official assurance that every cause of quarrel with that great country
on the other side of the Atlantic is amicably terminated.
Sir, I have now executed the task which my public duty imposed upon me,
I trust I have said nothing which can lead to the revival on the present
occasion of those controversies which I have deprecated. Whatever opinions
may be held with regard to the extent of the danger with which we were threatened
from the failure in one great article of subsistence, I can say with truth
that her Majesty's government, in proposing those measures of commercial policy
which have disentitled them to the confidence of many who heretofore gave
them their support, were influenced by no other motive than the desire to
consult the interests of this country. Our object was to avert dangers whieh
we thought were imminent, and to terminate a conflict which, according to
our belief, would soon place in hostile collision great and powerful classes
in this country. The maintenance of power was not a motive for the proposal
of these measures ; for, as I said before, I had not a doubt, that whether
these measures were accompanied by failure or success, the certain issue must
be the termination of the existence of this government. It is, perhaps, advantageous
for the public interests that such should be the issue. I admit that the
withdrawal of confidence from us by many of our friends was a natural result.
When proposals are made, apparently at variance with the course which ministers
heretofore pursued, and subjecting them to the charge of inconsistency—it
is perhaps advantageous for this country, and for the general character of
public men, that the proposal of measures of that kind, under such circumstances,
should entail that which is supposed to be the fitting punishment, namely,
expulsion from office. I, therefore, do not complain of that expulsion. I
am sure it is far preferable to the continuance in office without a full assurance
of the eonfidence of this House. I said before, and I said truly, that in
proposing our measures of commercial policy, I had no wish to rob others
of the credit justly due to them. I must say, with reference to hon. gentlemen
opposite, as I say with reference to ourselves, that neither of us is the
party which is justly entitled to the credit of them. There has been a combination
of parties, generally opposed to each other, and that combination, and the
influence of government, have led to their ultimate success ; but the name
which ought to he associated with the success of those measures is not the
name of the noble lord, the organ of the party of which he is the leader,
nor is it mine. The name which ought to be, and will be, associated with
the success of those measures, is the name of one who, acting, I believe,
from pure and disinterested motives, has, with untiring energy, made appeals
to our reason, and has enforced those appeals with an eloquence the more
to be admired because it was unaffected and unadorned : the name which ought
to be chiefly associated with the success of those measures, is the name
of Richard Conin V
